The bureau’s latest actions could help blunt some of financial industry representatives’ fierce anger toward it, which has only grown over Mr. Chopra’s tenure. It could also create fissures between competing forces in the industry that could make it harder for officials to completely do away with some of the bureau’s latest rules or eliminate the agency altogether. For instance, powerful banks have applauded the bureau’s move to regulate the payments services that big tech firms offer to customers. Banks have long argued that if their companies must be subject to extensive regulation, then tech firms providing the same services should as well. If the consumer bureau were weakened enough that it could not carry out this task, it could put banks at a competitive disadvantage. “I believe that the C.F.P.B. is likely here to stay,” said Lindsey Johnson, the president and chief executive of the Consumer Bankers Association.
Ms. Johnson said her group has been one of the most vocally concerned about the direction of the consumer bureau because she thought its current leaders were more focused on leaning into “political polling to drive their agenda.” But she said the agency has taken some steps in the right direction to fulfill its mission of protecting consumers and that there were opportunities for banks to work with regulators. Still, the agency’s fate is far from certain. Some of Mr. Trump’s advisers, including Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy, who will lead what Mr. Trump has called the Department of Government Efficiency, have voiced support for eliminating the bureau altogether.
Representative French Hill, a Republican of Arkansas who is likely to become the leader of the House Financial Services Committee, which oversees the bureau, said his first choice would be to abolish the C.F.P.B. But he believed there would be wider support for a milder change to how it was run, like restructuring its leadership to make it a bipartisan commission, which would be similar to the structures of the Securities and Exchange Commission or the Commodity Futures Trading Commission.
Mr. Hill also believes the bureau should not have authority over smaller banks. Currently, it supervises any bank with more than $10 billion in assets. He wants that lower limit raised. “I want to make sure that we have and make the reforms in the C.F.P.B. that makes it a more responsive agency to Congress, and allows that consumer protection mission in federal statutes to be met, but be met in the most effective way possible with the least cost, with benefits to the consumer, but not disproportionate burdens to the financial services sector,” Mr. Hill said.
The bureau has been under fire since its creation as part of the 2010 Dodd-Frank law, but Republicans took their biggest swings at it after Mr. Trump was first elected in 2016. Mick Mulvaney, whom Mr. Trump named its acting director in 2017, tried to zero out its budget and change its name. Neither change lasted. The Supreme Court has since upheld the constitutionality of the bureau’s funding structure.
Mr. Trump has yet to tap anyone to lead the bureau, but bankers, former Trump officials and regulatory experts said they expected whomever assumes control will almost certainly freeze the rules issued under Mr. Chopra and examine whether to scrap them, or adjust them according to industry feedback. The bureau’s next leader could also reduce the number of investigations and punitive actions for financial firms that break its rules.
Since taking over the agency in 2021, Mr. Chopra has sought to expand the authority the bureau exercises over the banks and other financial firms it is tasked with overseeing, often using broad interpretations of the laws that created it. Bank lobbyists generally describe his tenure as an uncompromising power grab. Douglas P. Faucette, a partner at Locke Lord who is chairman of the law firm’s bank regulatory group, described Mr. Chopra as having been “as radical as any regulator could be.”
But some recent rules have garnered more mixed reactions from the industry. One requires banks to share customer data with other technology firms offering those customers services the banks don’t provide. It prompted Jamie Dimon, the chief executive of JPMorgan Chase, to call for banks to “fight back” against regulation, but was a boon to financial technology companies, popularly known as fintechs. On the other hand, banks loved the rule that came next: a finalization of the bureau’s proposal to oversee big tech companies, including Apple and Google, that provide payment services. To read more click here.